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Between its official U.S. military training and the arrival of the Soldier of Fortune teams, the battalion had massacred nearly 1,000 civilians, more than half of them children, in the village of El Mozote. Battalion members stabbed and decapitated some victims, and shot others with bullets manufactured for the U.S. Army and stamped “Lake City, Missouri.” The Salvadoran military encouraged these abuses with its own anticommunist training, but the presence of American mercenary trainers correlated with civilian-targeted violence. Trial proceedings began on August 4, 1980, and from the outset reflected the entrenched racism of the North Carolina judicial system.
Attorney General John Ashcroft would delay McVeigh’s execution by a month, at the end, to allow the defense to review materials not disclosed during the trial. While staying and working on James Nichols’s farm, Terry Nichols and McVeigh experimented with explosives and attended Michigan Militia meetings. Terry Nichols sent a letter to the government renouncing his right to vote, participating in a widely used white power and militia movement strategy called “severation” in which members broke their official ties to the state by destroying Social Security cards, birth certificates, and other documents.
Where Did the Radical Right Come From?
Bringing the War Homeis a worthwhile book that makes many good points and offers the fruits of 10 years of exhaustive archival research. But it is marred by a number of minor factual errors and a larger number of major, interpretive errors. Readers should approach it carefully, not as the final word in analyzing the American radical right, but as one more useful tool that can be harnessed to understand the dynamics and development of this troublesome movement in U.S. political and historical context.
“In 1986, investigators for the United States Congress and Department of Defense reported growing concern in the U.S. Varon avoids the revisionist trap of condemning the obvious mistakes in a way that ignores the contextual justifications. He's excellent on the racial politics and the internal contradictions of Weatherman. I didn't know as much about the Red Army Faction and the book deepened my understandings of the European crosscurrents.
Bring the War Home!
But they hoped that they could sway a white public in their favor, make small territorial gains, and eventually seize movement objectives ranging from a white homeland in the Pacific Northwest, to a white America, to a white world secured by the annihilation of all people of color. Links between white power activists and mercenaries were strong and sustained. In Rhodesia, where between 1965 and 1980 as many as 2,300 American mercenaries defended the white minority-rule government, soldiers for hire included John Birch Society members and neo-Nazis. Prevalent night attacks meant that death could come for soldiers at any time.
And I think we also chnged public opinion in the country, eventually. The wars change, and the names of the leaders, but the imperative to resist them stays the same. I've read other books on the weatherman and wanted to read this one to get more familiar with the raf. This book is important because, while not glorifying the violence of these groups, it explains very thoroughly why a turn to violence was attractive to activists based on their views of the nature of the state and the state of the movement. The RAF tried to make use of the fact that the new German Republic, its memory of the vulnerability of the Weimar regime still fresh, would be quick to crack down on a semi-terrorist organization. This is why RAF leaders went as far as killing themselves in prison to make it seem like they had been murdered by the state, and the less fanatic German radicals were forced to defend the terrorist group against the government, which resulted in chaos in the movement.
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On one level, the presence of skinheads signaled the frustrations of working-class white youth at a moment of profound economic transformation that seemed to threaten their life chances. In another way, skinheads represented an increasingly strong link between white power paramilitarism and prison culture. On April 8, 1988, after three days of deliberation, the jury found all the defendants not guilty on all counts. The men walked free and, with the government consenting, the judge ordered “the firearms in question returned to the person who turned them over to the government. In 1986, investigators for the United States Congress and Department of Defense reported growing concern in the U.S. Hundreds of millions of dollars in military arms, ammunition, and explosives had disappeared.
The overspills of state violence from wars, therefore, spread through the whole of American society; they did not affect veterans alone. The dramatic, hard-won gains of feminism, civil rights, secularism, and gay liberation left the 1970s ripe for conservative backlash. A good read - scores points for being up front about the ideology presented, but loses points for sometimes getting too into the whole thing.
Shteyngart’s frantic humor keeps the story afloat and gleefully satirizes the upper class. Leaders and activists had begun to replace the idea of Zionist Occupational Government with the phrase “New World Order,” which signaled an alignment of malevolent internationalist forces, including the United Nations, global finance, nations, and technology, that conspired to take over the world. Even when women donned their own camouflage fatigues and marched for themselves, as they did in the White Patriot Party, leaders still viewed them as “the mothers of future Aryan warriors” and objects of sexual reward. We will flood the Northwest with white babies and white children so there is no question who this land belongs to. We are going to outbreed each other.” Miles added that this strategy should allow “as many husbands and wives as required” for each white woman to bear five to ten white children. That July the CSA firebombed a synagogue and some local Jewish businesses.
Fourteen men faced indictment on charges of interstate transport of stolen money, conspiracy to manufacture illegal weapons, conspiracy to murder federal officers, and seditious conspiracy. Protection of white women and their reproductive capacity represented one ideology motivating white power activists to wage war. The future of the white race, activists believed, rested with the mothers of white children. In the movement, this went far beyond anti-miscegenation to the demand that every white woman attempt to bear children. In 1977, Louis Beam used a Texas Veterans Land Board grant—a program designed to provide economic benefits to returning veterans—to purchase fifty acres of swampland. On a landscape that recalled the rice paddies of Vietnam, Beam built Camp Puller, a Vietnam War–style training facility designed to turn Klansmen into soldiers.
Based on his files from an actual homicide, Barry’s most recent novel, Burning Questions, the first part of a trilogy, is a story of teenage suicide, corrupt real estate dealings and class prejudice. Part two of the trilogy, A Shot In The Arm, set in San Francisco, was also inspired by an actual case and tells a story of rogue government agents’ drugs-for-guns scheme gone awry. Part three, The Fourth Conspirator, is scheduled for publication in September 2012. During a legal career of more than four decades, Barry has been lead counsel in over 100 trials, criminal, civil and military, from homicides to real estate, to stock frauds and Ponzi schemes. His legal career includes service as a Judge Pro Tem in the SF courts and as an arbitrator on the Kaiser, NASD, NYSE, and American Arbitration Association panels. He has represented performing artists such as Geoff Hoyle, Keith Terry, Anna DeVeare Smith and professional racecar driver Parker Johnstone.
Reagan’s moderation, as activists saw it, revealed conventional politics as unsalvageable and signaled a state of emergency that could not be resolved through political action alone. Their paramilitary infrastructure stood ready; the war could not wait. After declaring war, activists plotted to overthrow the government through attacks on infrastructure, assassinations, and counterfeiting to undermine public confidence in currency.
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